Candidacy good news for Costa Rica
Carlos Alberto Montaner
Oscar
Arias is apparently returning to power in Costa Rica. The announcement that
the former president, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, is about to take
center stage again comes from Borge and Associates, one of the best
pollsters in Central America. According to the latest survey, Arias has 45.8
percent of the intended presidential vote in an elected scheduled for Feb.
5.
In second
place, with 17.9 percent, is economist Ottón Solís, a good man but also a
low-intensity populist trapped in the old statist rhetoric, an adversary of
the Central American Free Trade Agreement and a supporter of absurdities
such as ''alimentary sovereignty'' and maintaining telecommunications and
other ''strategic'' industries and services under the control of the
government.
Third in
the contest is, in a way, the great revelation of this campaign: young
lawyer Otto Guevara, the charismatic leader of the Libertarian Movement, who
began with barely 3 percent of the voters' support and now has 12 percent.
Some analysts believe that it is even possible that between now and election
day, Guevara will elbow out Solís and become the country's second electoral
force. It could happen; during Guevara's stints in Congress the people
always selected him as the most efficient and valuable legislator.
It was
exactly 20 years ago that Arias assumed the presidency for the first time.
It fell upon him to govern between 1986 and 1990 -- during the difficult and
thrilling finale of the Cold War -- and he did so with consummate skill,
helping to evict the Soviet and Cuban satellites from his neighborhood.
With great
diplomatic instinct, and against Washington's policy, he managed to rally
the other Central American presidents behind his efforts for peace in the
region, shrewdly leading the Sandinistas to the electoral slaughterhouse in
1990, when Violeta Chamorro and Virgilio Godoy gave the coup de grce to
Daniel Ortega's dictatorship. In 1987, the Swedes awarded Arias the Nobel
Peace Prize, making him the most prominent political figure in Latin America
at the time.
In those
years, after the end of the dictatorships of Noriega in Panama and Ortega in
Nicaragua, and after the defeat of the Salvadoran guerrillas, the isthmus
appeared to enter into a period of maturity and consolidation of democracy,
but things didn't turn out that way. Manipulated by the Castro-Chávez axis,
now joined by Evo Morales of Bolivia, the zone can enter a new period of
crisis.
In
Nicaragua, it is possible that, with the liberals fragmented, Daniel Ortega
might return to power. And in El Salvador we cannot rule out that, despite
the good successive administrations of four presidents from the ARENA party
and despite the enormous popularity of current President Antonio Elías Saca,
Chávez's petrodollars will buy victory for Shafik Handal, an unrepentant
communist in the toughest Stalinist mold.
This
landscape could darken even more if Andrés Manuel López Obrador wins the
presidential election in Mexico and installs a government mired in the
antique collectivist revolutionary discourse of the 1930s and '40s.
This means
that Arias will not enjoy a quiet second term. He will govern amid a rough
neopopulist groundswell that's dominated internationally by authoritarian
tendencies; he'll face enemies abroad who will stir his compatriots to try
to prevent -- through social disorder -- the opening and changes that the
Costa Rican state needs to finally become a developed nation.
I suppose
that Arias' objective at this new stage is precisely the objective the
enemies of common sense want to deny him: the modernization of Costa Rica
within the formula the Chileans have tried out with growing success. That is
to say, to achieve prosperity by encouraging savings, attracting foreign
investments and transfers of leading technologies, stimulating the market
and education, designing sensible public policies, establishing clear rules,
guaranteeing macroeconomic stability and maintaining good relations with the
First World, particularly with the United States, Costa Rica's principal
trade partner.
Following Chile's path
In
reality, Costa Rica has a paved road for its passage into the First World.
It is a deeply democratic and educated society with tolerable levels of
inequality and a political class that's open to the quest for consensus.
What does it need to take the first step? Undoubtedly, a better
understanding of how wealth is created or wasted and a clearer comprehension
of the role assigned to the state and of the best role for the civilian
society.
If Arias
manages the miracle of starting the trek in that direction -- following the
path of the Chileans -- he will deserve a second Nobel Prize.
Enero 10, 2006
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