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La
columna semanal de
Carlos Alberto Montaner |
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“Se
estima que su columna sindicada es leída por seis millones de
personas. Sus opiniones hacen que tiemblen políticos en España
y América Latina ... Mantendrá su posición como uno de los más
respetados periodistas de la región”.
‘The Powerful 100’, Poder, marzo de 2003.
“His syndicated column is read by an estimated 6 million readers.
His opinions make politician in Spain and Latin America tremble …
He will maintain his position as one of the region’s most
respected journalist”.
‘The Powerful 100’, Poder, March 2003. |


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Barack Obama can crack Cuba open
- but only after Fidel Castro dies
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
By Carlos Alberto Montaner
Monday, December 29th 2008, 4:00 AM
On Jan. 1, the Cuban revolution turns 50 years old. Raul Castro, one of the
fathers of that revolution, recently reiterated his desire to talk with
Barack Obama - returning the hand Obama offered repeatedly over the course
of the presidential campaign. If Obama follows through on his plan, he must
do so with eyes wide open.
Raul has three objectives: to gain access to soft credit so he can import
American goods; to attract hundreds of thousands of American tourists, and
to gain the release of five of the 14 Cuban spies captured in 1999 by the
FBI. Nine of them admitted their culpability, made deals with judges and
prosecutors, were given very light sentences and have already been
reintegrated to life in the United States.
Once he attains the first two objectives, Raul would be able to essentially
liquidate what remains of the embargo against his country.
With the third, he would please his ailing big brother Fidel, who is
determined not to die until his "hardest" agents return to Cuba.
Obama - who, since the election, has sent some pretty tough signals to the
world with the national security team he has chosen - should harbor no
illusions regarding Cuba. Ten Presidents before him have bashed heads with
the Castro brothers. It is unlikely that he would be the exception.
The watchword now should be patience. It is probable that, during Obama's
first term, things will begin to change inside the island. The starting
point would be the death of Fidel, who has been slowly expiring since the
summer of 2006. While it is known that most of those in the structure of
power would like a profound reform, the old Comandante, a stubborn Stalinist,
prevents it.
This is important: While Fidel is alive, any significant concession the
Obama administration makes to Havana will be counterproductive. It will be
interpreted as saying, "Fidel Castro is right, and Cuba's totalitarian model
need not change."
But the moment Fidel disappears, timely American intervention - a goodwill
gesture - makes sense, even if it must be made to Raul Castro. To bolster
the reformist forces, Obama should send an explicit message that the United
States is willing to generously help transform the country into a peaceful
and reasonably prosperous democracy.
That must be the objective now: Cuba's peaceful transformation into a stable
democracy with freedoms and respect for human rights. A nation similar to
Costa Rica, with good relations with its neighbors and the United States; a
nation that, far from expelling its people for lack of opportunities, is
able to absorb the thousands of exiles who would return to Cuba if living
conditions were acceptable there.
We should accept nothing short of that, discarding any temptation to work
hand-in-glove in Cuba with a tyranny like the one in China, with a
kleptocracy like the one in Russia, or with a military dictatorship. That
would only postpone the problem, not solve it. For almost all of the 20th
century, the United States played the "our-S.O.B." card throughout Latin
America, and the results were dreadful. After Gen.Anastasio Somoza came the
Sandinistas. After Fulgencio Batista, communism came to Cuba. Washington
preached democracy and protected dictatorships.
It makes no sense to revive that strategy in the post-Castro era.
Instead, after Fidel dies, Obama should gradually reduce the economic
sanctions - provided the dictatorship releases political prisoners or
relieves its pressure on dissidents. He should elevate the rank of the
United States' diplomatic representation to the category of embassy and
facilitate sports and academic exchanges.
But decide right now that we will never settle for anything short of a
vibrant and productive democracy. If we help usher in anything less, there's
no sense even trying.
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